The Ballyturin Massacre (15th May 1921) Ballyturin House, Gort, Galway

Ballyturin Massacre

The ambush was at Ballyturn House near Gort , Galway on 15 May 1921. District Inspect Blake, Mrs Blake, Capt Cornwallis and Lt McCreery died. Mrs Gregory survived.

The 4 witness statements available from the men who actually took part in the ambush say that local IRA were too badly equipped to attach the strong Crown Forces patrols. But one day a local person saw a "military looking man on horseback" come out of Ballyturn House, and from the description they believed him to be D I Blake. "The man had built up a very bad reputation for himself in the district. Threatening women with his revolver in the homes of wanted men. And going into the shops in the town and throwing his revolver on the counter with a demand to be served at once. His wife also carried a revolver and when shopping threatened those serving her at the counter that if anything happened to her husband she would shoot and burn the town." This would be the first Saturday in May 1921. The next day the weekly Sunday intelligence report said that Blake drove a Mrs de Blaquire home from Gort to Tubber on Saturday evenings. So the next Saturday they did a reconnaissance and the car duly passed along the road, and they were able to get a good look at Blake to get a precise identification. They then heard that the Bagots at Ballyturn House were having a party the following Sunday, the IRA put the clues together and believed that Blake would attend that party at Ballyturn and laid plans to ambush them.


Ballyturin House, Gort


The IRA group got into position at about 1pm, and saw Blake arrive, so they knew he was in the house. They took over the gate lodge, and made any passers by prisoner in it (17 in all) until Blake's car was seen about 8.30pm. There are Witness Statements from, which I have read
The car drove down the long drive to the gate. When they got there, one of the gates (the left hand gate) was closed, unbeknown to them this was a ploy by the IRA ambushers to get the car to stop. So they stopped their car at the gate, to open it. It was at this point that they were ambushed by a group of 20 IRA men.


Plan of the ambush


Cornwallis got out of the car to open the gate. One of the IRA men in the bushes to the right shouted "Hands Up". Cornwallis dashed outside the gate to protect himself from the men in the bushes, and fired a couple of revolver shots at that group. He was completely protected from them by the wall, but complete exposed to the men in the lodge, and was taken out by the Winchester of Keeley.

Mrs Gregory got out of the car on the side facing the IRA ambushers, and they believe that this saved her life, as they then left her alone. She worked her way round to the back of the car. And was led back towards the house by some of the IRA men after the firing stopped. She was handed over to the younger Bagot daughter, who then looked after her. Vere R T Gregory, in The House of Gregory (Dublin: Browne and Nolan), pp. 92-95.' According to Gregory, the ambush was retaliation for an incident in which soldiers or police had tortured three local men for information, by forcing them to dig their own graves and then threatening to bury them alive.  Gregory mentions being told by his stepsister that it was rumoured in the vicinity that Lady Gregory had conspired with the IRA in planning the ambush, and this was why her daughter-in-law had survived. This is an unsubstantiated rumour, and is unlikely to be true, merely the sort of gossip that circulated in the area.

Blake, Mrs Blake, and Lt McCreery appear to have been killed without firing a shot. The IRA men then moved in and removed the guns of their victims.

The Bagots, who were the owners of Ballyturin House, when they heard the shooting, ran down the long drive to the gate. Mrs Gregory was handed over to Miss Molly Bagot. Although Molly Bagot knew Ryan and Glynn well, she told the inquiry that she did not recognise any of the men. John Bagot was held at gunpoint and handed a note which apparently read: 'Volunteer HQ. Sir, if there is any reprisals after this ambush, your house will be set on fire as a return. By Order IRA.' John Bagot, died on the 27th April 1935. His wife, Anna lived until 17th January 1963. She died in London aged 96 and was buried at Gresford Church near Wrexham, North Wales. Ballyturin House was abandoned and fell into a total ruin.

The IRA claim that Kearney was shot by the Crown Forces as they believed that he was an informer. I think it unlikely that that is why he was shot, but it does appear that he was shot by Crown forces, probably by accident.

In 2015 the gate lodge was gone, and little remains to show that there was an ambush here, apart from a crudely made plaque to the IRA




The Tennis Party
D.I. Cecil Blake (1885-1921), RIC District Inspector stationed at Gort
Eliza Akerman Blake (Williams)(1882-1921), Cecil Blake's wife
Capt Fiennes Wykeham Mann Cornwallis MC (1890-1921),17th Lancers
Lieutenant Robert Bruce McCreery (1900-1921). 17th Lancers
Lily Margaret Graham Gregory (nee Parry) (1884-1979)  widowed daughter-in-law of Lady Gregory of Coole Park

D.I. Blake


Eliza Blake

The Assassins
Joseph Stanford, carried a shotgun, IRA Captain of Gort Company, made a Witness Statement WS 1334
Michael Kelly - Intelligence Officer whose job was to positively identify Blake, he had a revolver and was the only man with a mask
Patrick Glynn, carried a police carbine, made a Witness Statement WS 1033
Thomas Keeley, carried a Winchester rifle, made a Witness Statement WS 1491, Company Engineer
Thomas Craven, carried a shotgun
John Coen, carried a service rifle, IRA Captain of Kilbecanty Company
Daniel Ryan, carried a shotgun, IRA Lieutenant, made a Witness Statement WS 1007
Patrick Houlihan, carried a service rifle, IRA Captain on Brigade Staff
John Keeley, scouted
Martin Coen, scouted

Killings in Ballygroman (26th April 1922) County Cork

Captain Herbert Woods M.C. (centre)

On 26 April 1922, a group of anti-Treaty IRA men, led by Michael O'Neill, arrived at the house of Thomas Hornibrook, a former magistrate, at Ballygroman, East Muskerry, Desertmore, Bandon (near Ballincollig on the outskirts of Cork City), seeking to seize his car. Hornibrook was in the house at the time along with his son, Samuel, and his nephew, Herbert Woods (a former Captain in the British Army and MC).

O'Neill demanded a part of the engine mechanism (the magneto) that had been removed by Thomas Hornibrook to prevent such theft. Hornibrook refused to give them the part, and after further efforts, some of the IRA party entered through a window. Herbert Woods then shot O'Neill, wounding him fatally. O'Neill's companion, Charlie O'Donoghue, took him to a local priest who pronounced him dead. The next morning O'Donoghue left for Bandon to report the incident to his superiors, returning with "four military men", meeting with the Hornibrooks and Woods, who admitted to shooting O'Neill.

A local jury found Woods responsible and said O'Neill had been "brutally murdered in the execution of his duty". O'Donoghue and Stephen O'Neill, who were present on the night of the killing, both attended the inquest. Some days later, Woods and both Hornibrook men went missing, and in time were presumed killed. The Morning Post newspaper reported that "about 100" IRA men returned from Bandon with O'Neill's comrades and surrounded the house. It reported that a shootout ensued until the Hornibrooks and Woods ran out of ammunition and surrendered. Meda Ryan claims the report in the Morning Post was "exaggerated". Peter Hart writes that the Hornibrooks and Woods surrendered on condition their lives be spared. When Woods admitted it was he who fired the shot that killed O'Neill, he was beaten unconscious, and the three hostages were "driven south into hill country", where they were shot dead. Some time later the Hornibrook home was burned, the plantation cut down and the land seized.

On 13 April, Michael Collins had complained about British newspaper reports on attacks against Protestants in Ireland to Desmond Fitzgerald. Collins said that while some of the coverage was "fair newspaper comment", the "strain of certain parts is very objectionable".

Alice Hodder, a local Protestant from Crosshaven some 23 miles to the south east, wrote to her mother shortly afterwards about Herbert Woods,

His aunt and uncle had been subject to a lot of persecution and feared an attack, so young Woods went to stay with them. At 2:30 am armed men ... broke in ... Woods fired on the leader and shot him ... They caught Woods, tried him by mock court martial and sentenced him to be hanged ... The brothers of the murdered man then gouged out his eyes while he was alive and then hanged him ... When will the British Government realise that they are really dealing with savages and not ordinary normal human beings?

The letter was forwarded to Lionel Curtis, Secretary of the Cabinet's Irish Committee, on which he appended the comment "this is rather obsolete". Matilda Woods later testified before the Grants Committee, while applying for £5,000 compensation in 1927, that her husband had been drawn and quartered before being killed and that the Hornibrooks were taken to a remote location, forced to dig their own graves and shot dead. Both Ryan and Hart note that Matilda Woods was not in Ireland when her husband disappeared and there is no record of his body ever being located.

Captain Woods’s family, who lived on Crosses Green in Cork City, ran a wine shop on Cook St which was looted and burned by the Black and Tans in December 1920, forcing the family into hiding afterwards.


The Murdered Men


Thomas Hornibrook, R.M. (1843-1922)

Captain Herbert Woods MC (1891-1922)

Samuel Hornibrook (1877-1922)


The Kilmichael Ambush (28th November 1920) County Cork

Site of the massacre


Kilmichael Ambush


The Kilmichael Ambush  was an ambush near the village of Kilmichael in County Cork on 28 November 1920 carried out by the Irish Republican Army (IRA) during the Irish War of Independence. Thirty-six local IRA volunteers commanded by Tom Barry killed seventeen members of the Royal Irish Constabulary's Auxiliary Division. The Kilmichael ambush was politically as well as militarily significant. It occurred one week after Bloody Sunday, marking a profound escalation in the IRA campaign.

Macroom Castle, where the Auxiliaries were billeted in 1920. This photo was taken after the
castle's destruction by the IRA in 1922. 


Background
The Auxiliaries were recruited from former commissioned officers in the British Army. The force was raised in July 1920 and were promoted as a highly trained elite force by the British media. In common with most of their colleagues, the Auxiliaries engaged at Kilmichael were World War I veterans.

The Auxiliaries and the previously introduced Black and Tans rapidly became highly unpopular in Ireland due to intimidation of the civilian population and arbitrary reprisals after IRA actions – including burnings of businesses and homes, beatings and killings. A week before the Kilmichael ambush, after IRA assassinations of British intelligence operatives in Dublin on Bloody Sunday, Auxiliaries fired on players and spectators at a gaelic football match in Croke Park Dublin, killing fourteen civilians (thirteen spectators and one player).

The Auxiliaries in Cork were based in the town of Macroom, and in November 1920 they carried out a number of raids on the villages in the surrounding area, including Dunmanway, Coppeen and Castletownkenneigh, to intimidate the local population away from supporting the IRA. They shot dead one civilian James Lehane (Séamus Ó Liatháin) at Ballymakeera on 17 October 1920. In his memoir, Guerilla Days in Ireland, Tom Barry noted that before Kilmichael the IRA hardly fired a shot at the Auxiliaries, which "had a very serious effect on the morale of the whole people as well as on the IRA". Barry's assessment was that the West Cork IRA needed a successful action against the Auxiliaries in order to be effective.

Tom Barry, IRA commander


On 21 November, Barry assembled a flying column of 36 riflemen at Clogher. The column had 35 rounds for each rifle as well as a handful of revolvers and two mills bombs (hand grenades). Barry scouted possible ambush sites with Volunteer Michael McCarthy on horseback and selected one on the Macroom–Dunmanway road, on the section between Kilmichael and Gleann, which the Auxiliaries coming out of Macroom used every day. The flying column marched there on foot and reached the ambush site on the night of 27 November. The IRA volunteers took up positions in the low rocky hills on either side of the road. Unlike most IRA ambush positions, there was no obvious escape route for the guerrillas should the fighting go against them.

The Ambush
As dusk fell between 4:05 and 4:20 pm on 28 November, the ambush took place on a road at Dus a' Bharraigh in the townland of Shanacashel, Kilmichael Parish, near Macroom.

Just before the Auxiliaries in two lorries came into view, two armed IRA volunteers, responding late to Barry's mobilisation order, drove unwittingly into the ambush position in a horse and side-car, almost shielding the British forces behind them. Barry managed to avert disaster by directing the car up a side road and out of the way. The Auxiliaries' first lorry was persuaded to slow down by the sight of Barry placing himself on the road in front of a concealed Command Post (with three riflemen), wearing an IRA officer's tunic given to him by Paddy O'Brien. The British later claimed Barry was wearing a British uniform. This confusion was part of a ruse by Barry to ensure that his adversaries in both lorries halted beside two IRA ambush positions on the north side of the road, where Sections One (10 riflemen) and Two (10 riflemen) lay concealed. Concealed on the south side of the road was half of Section Three (six riflemen), whose instructions were to prevent the enemy taking up positions on that side. The other half (six riflemen) was positioned some way off as an insurance group, should a third Auxiliary lorry appear. The British later alleged that over 100 IRA fighters were present wearing British uniforms and steel trench helmets. Barry, however, insisted that, excepting himself, the ambush party were in civilian attire, though they used captured British weapons and equipment.

The first lorry, containing nine Auxiliaries, slowed almost to a halt close to their intended ambush position, at which point Barry gave the order to fire. He threw a Mills bomb that exploded in the open cab of the first lorry. A savage close-quarter fight ensued between the Auxiliaries and a combination of IRA Section One and Barry's three person Command Post group. According to Barry's account, some of the British were killed using rifle butts and bayonets in a brutal and bloody encounter. This part of the engagement was over relatively quickly with all nine Auxiliaries dead or dying. The British later claimed that the dead had been mutilated with axes, although Barry dismissed this as atrocity propaganda.

While this part of the fight was going on, a second lorry also containing nine Auxiliaries had driven into the ambush position near to IRA Section Two. This lorry's occupants, at a more advantageous position than Auxiliaries in the first lorry because further away from the ambushing group, dismounted to the road and exchanged fire with the IRA, killing Michael McCarthy. Barry then brought the Command Post soldiers who had completed the attack on the first lorry to bear on this group. Barry claimed these Auxiliaries called out a surrender and that some dropped their rifles, but opened fire again with revolvers when three IRA men emerged from cover, killing one volunteer instantly, Jim O'Sullivan, and mortally wounding Pat Deasy. Barry then said he ordered, "Rapid fire and do not stop until I tell you!" Barry stated that he ignored a subsequent attempt by remaining Auxiliaries to surrender, and kept his men firing at a range of only ten yards (8 m) or less until he believed all the Auxiliaries were dead. Barry said of the Auxiliaries who tried to surrender a second time, 'soldiers who had cheated in war deserved to die.' Barry referred to this as the Auxiliaries' 'false surrender'.

Barry's account in 1949 can be compared with other IRA veteran testimony. In 1937 Section Three commander Stephen O'Neill gave an account of a false surrender by the Auxiliaries though without using that actual term. O'Neil wrote,

"The O/C Tom Barry, with three of the section responsible for the destruction of the first [Auxiliary] lorry, came to our assistance, with the result that the attack was intensified. On being called on to surrender, they signified their intention of doing so, but when we ceased at the O/C’s command, fire was again opened by the Auxiliaries, with fatal results to two of our comrades who exposed themselves believing the surrender was genuine. We renewed the attack vigorously and never desisted until the enemy was annihilated."
Some Bureau of Military History (BMH) accounts do not mention a false surrender, for example Section Three volunteer Ned Young's (WS 1,402). However, Young stated he was individually pursuing an escaping Auxiliary at the point when the false surrender incident took place. Nevertheless, in a later 1970 audio interview Young reported that other veterans told him afterwards there had been false surrender. Tim Keohane, who claimed controversially in his BMH statement (WS 1,295) to have participated in the ambush, did describe a false surrender event. He recalled that when Section Two and the Command Post group engaged the second lorry,

"Tom Barry called on the enemy to surrender and some of them put up their hands, but when our party were moving onto the road, the Auxiliaries again opened fire. Two of our men were wounded".
Barry stated that two of the IRA dead, Pat Deasy and Jim O'Sullivan, were shot after the false surrender but Keohane recalled that O'Sullivan had been hit earlier, and that Jack Hennessy and John Lordan were wounded after they stood to take the surrender. Ambush veteran Ned Young reported (see above) being told afterwards that Lordon bayonetted an Auxiliary he believed had surrendered falsely. Hennessy described in his BMH statement (WS 1,234) an incident in which, after Michael McCarthy was shot dead, he stood and shouted "hands up" to an auxiliary who had "thrown down his rifle". Hennessy reported the auxiliary then "drew his revolver", causing Hennessy to "sho[o]t him dead".

IRA veterans reported variously that wounded Auxiliaries, finished off after the firefight, were killed with close range shots, blows from rifle butts and bayonet thrusts, details Barry did not include in his account. Some Auxiliaries were disarmed and then killed. Jack O'Sullivan who was present at the ambush told historian Meda Ryan that after he disarmed an Auxiliary, "He was walking him up the road as a prisoner when a shot dropped him at his feet".

At the conclusion of the fight it was observed that two IRA volunteers – Michael McCarthy and Jim O'Sullivan – were dead and that Pat Deasy (brother of Liam Deasy) was mortally wounded. The IRA fighters thought they had killed all of the Auxiliaries. In fact two survived, one very badly injured, while another who escaped was later captured and shot dead. Among the 16 British dead on the road at Kilmichael was Colonel Crake, commander of the Auxiliaries in Macroom, probably killed at the start of the action by Barry's Mills bomb.

The severity of his injuries probably saved the life of Auxiliary officer, F.H. Forde. He was left for dead at the ambush site with, among other injuries, a bullet wound to his head. Forde was picked up by British forces the following day and taken to hospital in Cork. He was later awarded £10,000 in compensation. The other surviving Auxiliary, Cecil Guthrie (ex Royal Air Force), was badly wounded but escaped from the ambush site. He asked for help at a nearby house. However, unknown to him, two IRA men were staying there. They killed him with his own gun. His body was dumped in Annahala bog. In 1926, on behalf of the Guthrie family, Kevin O'Higgins, Irish Free State Minister for Home Affairs, interceded with the local IRA, after which Guthrie's remains were disinterred and buried in the Church of Ireland graveyard at Macroom.

Lt. Frederick Henry Forde (1896-1941)
the only survivor of the massacre


Many IRA volunteers were deeply shaken by the severity of the action, referred to by Barry as "the bloodiest in Ireland", and some were physically sick. Barry attempted to restore discipline by making them form-up and perform drill, before marching away. Barry himself collapsed with severe chest pains on 3 December and was secretly hospitalized in Cork City. It is possible that the ongoing stress of being on the run and commander of the flying column, along with a poor diet as well as the intense combat at Kilmichael contributed to his illness, diagnosed as heart displacement.

Aftermath
The political fallout from the Kilmichael ambush outweighed its military significance. While the British forces in Ireland, over 30,000 strong, could easily absorb 18 casualties, the fact that the IRA had been able to wipe out a whole patrol of elite Auxiliaries was for them deeply shocking. The British forces in the West Cork area took their revenge on the local population by burning several houses, shops and barns in Kilmichael, Johnstown and Inchageela, including all of the houses around the ambush site. On 3 December, three IRA volunteers were arrested by the British Essex Regiment in Bandon, beaten and killed, and their bodies dumped on the roadside.

For the British government, the action at Kilmichael was an indication that the violence in Ireland was escalating. Shortly after the ambush (and also in reaction to the events of Bloody Sunday), barriers were placed on either end of Downing Street to protect the Prime Minister's office from IRA attacks. On 10 December, as a result of Kilmichael, martial law was declared for the counties of Cork, Kerry, Limerick and Tipperary.

The British military now had the power to execute anyone found carrying arms and ammunition, to search houses, impose curfews, try suspects in military rather than civilian courts and to intern suspects without trial. On 11 December, in reprisal for Kilmichael and other IRA actions, the centre of Cork city was burned by Auxiliaries, British soldiers and Black and Tans, and two IRA men were assassinated in their beds. In separate proclamations shortly afterwards, the authorities sanctioned "official reprisals" against suspected Sinn Féin sympathisers, and the use of hostages in military convoys to deter ambushes.

Controversy
The principal published source for what happened at the Kilmichael ambush is Tom Barry's Guerilla Days in Ireland (1949). The first by a participant, Stephen O'Neill (reported above), appeared in 1937 (republished in Rebel Cork's Fighting Story, 1947, 2009). A brief first account of a false surrender event at Kilmichael was published eight months later in the British Empire journal, Round Table (June 1921, p. 500), by Lionel Curtis, citing a "trustworthy" source in the area. Curtis was British Prime Minister Lloyd George's secretary during Anglo-Irish Treaty negotiations. In Ireland Forever (1932, p. 128) former Auxiliary commander F.P. Crozier also gave a brief account of the same event. Piaras Beaslai mentioned it in Michael Collins and the Making of a New Ireland (Vol. 2, 1926, p. 97), while Ernie O'Malley's 1936 memoir, On Another Man’s Wound, noted the incident also (1979, p217). However, in The IRA And Its Enemies (1998) Professor Peter Hart took issue with the false surrender, focussing on Tom Barry's account. Believing Crozier's to have been the first published account (and a concoction), Hart asserted that the false surrender claim was invented: surviving Auxiliary officers were killed after surrendering. As a result of publicity and subsequent debate generated by Hart's claims, the ambush is usually considered synonymously with the debate over those claims.

Particularly controversial is Hart's use of anonymous interviews with ambush veterans. Meda Ryan, author of Tom Barry, IRA Freedom Fighter (ISBN 1856354806), disputed Hart's claim to have personally interviewed two IRA veterans in 1988-89, a rifleman and a scout. Ryan stated that one veteran remained alive then. She maintained that the last surviving IRA Kilmichael veteran, Ned Young, died on 13 November 1989, aged 97. The second last reported surviving veteran of Kilmichael, Jack O'Sullivan, died in January 1986. Ned Young's son, John Young, stated in addition that his father was also not capable of giving Hart an interview in 1988, as Ned Young suffered a debilitating stroke in late 1986. John Young swore an affidavit to this effect in December 2007, published in Troubled History (Niall Meehan, Brian Murphy, 2008), a critique of Hart's research that reproduced on its cover an 18 November 1989 Southern Star report on the death of "Ned Young - last of the boys of Kilmichael".

Hart stated that he interviewed his second ambush participant, an unarmed scout, on 19 November 1989, six days after Ned Young died, one day after his death was reported (see above). This description caused further debate as the last ambush and dispatch scouts reportedly died in 1967 and 1971. In a 2011 television documentary on Tom Barry, Hart considered whether he had been the victim of "some sort of hoax" and of a "fantasist', but concluded "that seems extremely unlikely". Nevertheless, D.R. O'Connor Lysaght has commented that "it is possible that Dr Hart was the victim of one or more aged chancer".

Niall Meehan suggested in Troubled History (2008) and subsequently that Hart based his interview with the scout partly on Jack Hennessy's BMH testimony (reported above). Though Hennessy died in 1970 Hart had a copy of his BMH statement. In his book Hart paraphrased the scout on "a sort of false surrender". Hennessy was not unarmed or a scout. However, in Hart's 1992 TCD PhD thesis this particular interviewee was not described as a scout or as unarmed. Further anomalies surround this individual. For instance, Hart's PhD thesis reported him giving the author a tour of the ambush site, a claim the book withdrew. Eve Morrison, who is sympathetic to Hart's position, in an essay on Kilmichael in Terror in Ireland, 1916-1923 (2012, ed., David Fitzpatrick), additionally reported that words ascribed by Hart to the scout were actually from remarks recorded in 1970 from ambush participant Jack O'Sullivan (who also was not an unarmed scout). Meehan and Eve Morrison debated the significance of these points in 2012.

Hart cited also a further three ambush participant accounts in his book, again reported anonymously. These were sourced in audio taped interviews by a Father John Chisholm in 1970 for Liam Deasy's War of Independence memoir, Toward Ireland Free (1973). However, Morrison stated in her 2012 Kilmichael essay that two (not three) Kilmichael participants were recorded by Chisholm speaking on Kilmichael. One of these was Ned Young, while the other was Jack O'Sullivan, reportedly the last and second last ambush veterans to die in 1986 and 1989. In other words, without informing his readers, Hart was counting an anonymous Young interview twice, once in 1970 (Chisholm interview), twice in 1988/9 (claimed Hart interview).

In addition to his anonymous interviews, Hart cited a captured unsigned typed 'rebel commandant's report' of the ambush from the Imperial War Museum, which does not mention a false surrender, as Barry's after-action report to his superiors. Meda Ryan and Brian Murphy challenged the authenticity of the document. They suggest that it contains factual errors Barry would not have written and also accurate information unknown to Barry. For instance: stating that two IRA volunteers had been mortally wounded and one killed outright, when the reverse was the case; getting British losses right, attesting to “sixteen of the enemy . . . being killed”, when Barry thought 17 (including Forde) were dead after the ambush. The document stated that IRA fighters had 100 rounds each when the correct figure reportedly was 36. Barry did not know that Guthrie, the Auxiliary who escaped, was, as the 'report' put it, “now missing”, or even that he had escaped. In other words, the document contained correct information known only to the British authorities but unknown to Barry, and incorrect information known by Barry but unknown to the British.

In her book Tom Barry: IRA Freedom Fighter, Ryan argues that the 'rebel commandant's report' was forged by Castle officials and Auxiliaries during the Truce, in order to help ensure that the families of those Auxiliaries who were killed at Kilmichael received compensation payments. But Ryan's arguments have been criticized by American historian W. H. Kautt, who discovered that the report had been included in a collection of captured IRA documents that was published by the British Army's Irish Command in June 1921--before the Truce. In his own book Ambushes and Armour: The Irish Rebellion 1919-1921, Kautt concludes that the report could be authentic.

Hart, who died in 2010 stood by his account. In 2012, Eve Morrison published her essay, Kilmichael Revisited, based partly on IRA veteran testimony and access to an unpublished response by Hart to the controversy surrounding his claims, dated 2004. Its defence of Hart was reviewed by John Borgonovo, Niall meehan, Pádraig Óg Ó Ruairc and John Regan (in Irish Historical Studies, Reviews in History, History Ireland and Dublin Review of Books). Morrison cited six participant statements to the Bureau of Military History (including the controversial Timothy Keohane) that were published in 2003. She listened to two conducted by Father John Chisholm in 1970 for Liam Deasy's Toward Ireland Free (1973), with Jack O'Sullivan and Ned Young (who also contributed a BMH account).

All of the ambush participants Morrison noted in Hart's unpublished response, bar Ned Young and the 'scout', were dead at the time Hart conducted his research in the late 1980s. Six were named: Paddy O’Brien, Jim ‘Spud’ Murphy, Jack Hennessy, Ned Young, Michael O’Driscoll and Jack O’Sullivan. Hart did not name the seventh, the 'scout' allegedly interviewed after Ned Young died. Morrison stated that Hart had heard or read ten accounts in total by these seven veterans (five witness statements and five other interviews). But this was in 2004, six years after publication of The IRA and its Enemies in 1998. Morrison stated she identified in Hart's book Chisholm interview utterances in all but two of the anonymous sources (though without identifying these two). Significantly, Morrison admitted that words Hart ascribed to the 'scout' were in fact said by Jack O'Sullivan to Fr Chisholm.[34] Ned Young's son, John Young, afterwards continued to dispute the claim that Hart interviewed his father in 1988.

In popular culture
A famous rebel song "The Boys of Kilmichael" commemorates the ambush. The poet Patrick Galvin wrote a new final verse critical of "revisionist" historians.

An often repeated myth is that following the Japanese capture of Singapore in 1942, Lord Haw Haw declared on "Germany Calling" that as the 100,000 British troops were marched into captivity the Japanese band struck up "The Boys of Kilmichael".

An attack on British trucks in British director Ken Loach's Palme D'Or (2006) winning film The Wind That Shakes The Barley is based on the Kilmichael Ambush. However, some details of the ambush in the film are different. In the film only one volunteer dies and all the British are killed. Also the ambush in the film takes place during the day. In addition, the leader of the ambush in the film wears a British Army uniform, whereas Tom Barry reported that he wore Volunteer Paddy O'Brien's IRA officer's uniform. The purpose was the same, to make the driver of the first lorry slow down, on the assumption that Barry was a British officer. However, some details of the battle, the order to form up into ranks and the content of the speech after the battle by the ambush leader is similar to what happened on November 28, 1920 at Kilmichael.

The Slaughtered Auxiliaries 


District Inspector (Lieut.) Francis William Crake MC (1893-1920)

D.I.  Francis William Crake MC


Section Leader (Lieut.) William Thomas Barnes DFC (1894-1920)

T/Cadet (Lieut.) Cyril Dunstan Wakefield Bayley, R.A.F. (1898-1920)

Lt. Cyril Dunstan Wakefield Bayley

T/Cadet (2nd Lieut.) Leonard Douglas Bradshaw, R.A.F. (1898-1920)

T/Cadet (2nd Lieut.) James Chubb Gleave (1899-1920)

2nd Lt. James Chubb Gleave

Section Leader (Captain) Philip Noel Graham (1888-1920)

T/Cadet (Lieut.) William Hooper Jones (1896-1920)

Lt. William Hooper Jones


T/Cadet (Major) Frederick Hugo OBE MC (1886-1920)

T/Cadet (2nd Lieut.) Albert George Jones (1886-1920)

2nd Lt. Albert George Jones

T/Cadet (2nd Lieut.) Ernest William Henry Lucas (1889-1920)

T/Cadet (Lieut.) William Andre Pallister (1895-1920)

T/Cadet (Lieut.) Henry Oliver Pearson (1886-1920)

T/Cadet (Lieut.) Frank Taylor, R.A.F (1899-1920)

T/Cadet (Captain) Christopher Herbert Wainwright (1884-1920)

Captain Christopher Herbert Wainwright

T/Cadet (Lieut.) Benjamin Webster (1887-1920)

T/Constable Arthur Frederick Poole, R.I.C. (1898-1920)

T/Cadet (Lieut.) Cecil James Guthrie (1899-1920)

Bloody Sunday (21st November 1920) Dublin

British Officers murdered on Bloody Sunday

Background


Bloody Sunday was one of the most significant events to take place during the Irish War of Independence, which followed the declaration of an Irish Republic and its parliament, Dáil Éireann. The army of the new republic, the Irish Republican Army (IRA), waged a guerrilla war against the Royal Irish Constabulary (RIC), its auxiliary organisations, and the British Army, who were tasked with suppressing the Irish rebellion. Some members of the Gaelic Athletic Association which owned Croke Park were nationalists, but others were not.

In response to IRA actions, the British Government formed paramilitary forces to augment the RIC, the "Black and Tans" (a nickname possibly arising from their mixture of uniforms), and the Auxiliary Division (generally known as the Auxiliaries or Auxies). The behaviour of both groups immediately became controversial (one major critic was King George V) for their brutality and violence, not just towards IRA suspects and prisoners but their racist/sectarian attitude towards Irish people in general. In Dublin, the war largely took the form of assassinations and reprisals on either side.

The events on the morning of 21 November were an effort by the IRA in Dublin, under Michael Collins and Richard Mulcahy, to destroy the British intelligence network in the city.

Collins' Plan

Since 1919, Irish Finance Minister, head of the secretive Irish Republican Brotherhood and IRA Chief of Intelligence Michael Collins had operated a clandestine "Squad" of IRA members in Dublin (a.k.a. "The Twelve Apostles"), who were tasked with assassinating RIC and British Intelligence officers. By late 1920, British Intelligence in Dublin had established an extensive network of spies and informers around the city. This included eighteen high-ranking British Intelligence officers known as the 'Cairo Gang'; a nickname which came from their patronage of the Cairo Cafe on Grafton Street and from their service in British military intelligence in Egypt and Palestine during the First World War. Mulcahy, the IRA Chief of Staff, described it as, "a very dangerous and cleverly placed spy organisation".

In November 1920, Collins ordered the assassination of British agents around the city, judging that if they did not do this, the IRA's organisation in the capital would be in grave danger. The IRA also believed that a co-ordinated policy of assassination of leading republicans was being implemented by British forces. Dick McKee was put in charge of planning the operation. The addresses of the British agents were discovered from a variety of sources, including sympathetic housemaids, careless talk from some of the British, and an IRA informant in the RIC (Sergeant Mannix) based in Donnybrook barracks. On 20 November, the assassination teams, which included the Squad and members of the IRA's Dublin Brigade, were briefed on their targets, who included 20 agents at eight different locations in Dublin. Collins's plan had been to kill over 50 British intelligence officers and informers, but the list was reduced to 35 on the insistence of Cathal Brugha, the Irish Minister for Defence, on the grounds that there was insufficient evidence against some of those named.

Bloody Sunday

Murder of the 'Cairo Gang'

Central Dublin
21 November 1920
Deaths;  9 Army officers,1 RIC Sergeant, 2 Auxillery Cadets, 2 civilians
1 uncertain (probably a British agent) 
Non-fatal injuries; 1 Intelligence officer, 1 army officer, 1 civilian, 1 IRA volunteer
Perpetrator; Irish Republican Army




Assassinations

The operation was planned by several senior IRA members, including Michael Collins, Dick McKee, Liam Tobin, Peadar Clancy, Tom Cullen, Frank Thornton and Oscar Traynor. The killings were planned to coincide with a Gaelic football match between Dublin and Tipperary, because the large crowds around Dublin would allow easier movement for the Volunteers and make it more difficult for the British to detect Collins' Squad members as they carried out the assassinations.

Clancy and McKee were picked up by Crown forces on the evening of Saturday, 20 November. They were tortured and later shot dead "while trying to escape".
Tortured and killed with them was Conor Clune (the nephew of Archbishop Clune of Perth, who had been senior chaplain to the Catholic members of the Australian Imperial Force in World War I). Clune was manager of the seed and plant nursery owned by Edward MacLysaght near Quin, and Clune and MacLysaght travelled to Dublin on the morning of Saturday, 20 November 1920, bringing with him the books of the Raheen Co-op for its annual audit. Clune was arrested in a raid on Vaughan's Hotel in Dublin, where he was a registered guest.

28 Pembroke Street Upper
The operation began at 9:00 am, when members of the Squad entered 28 Pembroke Street. The first British agents to die were Major Charles Milne Cholmeley Dowling and Captain Leonard Price. Andy Cooney of the Dublin Brigade removed documents from their rooms.

Three more members of the Gang were shot in the same house: Captain Brian Christopher Headlam Keenlyside, Colonel Wilfrid Woodcock, and Lieutenant-Colonel Hugh Montgomery. Woodcock was not connected with intelligence and had walked into a confrontation on the first floor of the Pembroke Street house as he was preparing to leave to command a regimental parade at army headquarters. He was in his military uniform, and, when he shouted to warn the other five British officers living in the house, he was shot in the shoulder and back, but survived. As Keenlyside was about to be shot, a struggle ensued between his wife and Mick O'Hanlon. The leader of the unit, Mick Flanagan, arrived, pushed Mrs Keenlyside out of the way and shot her husband.

117 Morehampton Road
At 117 Morehampton Road, Donnybrook, 2.3 km from the scene of the first shootings, another member of the Cairo Gang, Lieutenant Donald Lewis MacLean, along with suspected informer TH Smith and MacLean's brother-in-law, John Caldow, were taken into the hallway and about to be shot, when MacLean asked that they not be shot in front of his wife. The three were taken to an unused bedroom and shot. Caldow survived his wounds and fled to his home in Scotland.

92 Lower Baggot Street
Just 800 metres away, at 92 Lower Baggot Street, another member, Captain William Frederick Newberry, and his wife heard their front door come crashing down and blockaded themselves into their bedroom. Newberry rushed for his window to try to escape but was shot while climbing out by Bill Stapleton and Joe Leonard after they finally broke the door down.

38 Upper Mount Street
Two key members of the Gang, Lieutenant Peter Ashmun Ames and Captain George Bennett, were made to stand facing the wall on a bed in a downstairs rear bedroom and shot by Vinnie Byrne and others in his squad. A maid had let the attackers into 38 Upper Mount Street and indicated, at gunpoint, the rooms occupied by the two targeted men. Despite many accounts to the contrary, Byrne was not involved in the killings in Morehampton Road that morning.

28 Earlsfort Terrace
Sergeant John J Fitzgerald of the Royal Irish Constabulary, also known as "Captain Fitzgerald" or "Captain Fitzpatrick", whose father was from County Tipperary, was killed a kilometer away at 28 Earlsfort Terrace. He had survived a previous assassination attempt when a bullet grazed his head. This time he was shot twice in the head. The documents found in his house detailed the movements of senior IRA members.

22 Lower Mount Street
An IRA unit led by Tom Keogh entered 22 Lower Mount Street to kill Lieutenant Henry Angliss, alias Patrick Mahon, and Lieutenant Charles Ratsch Peel. The two intelligence specialists in the Gang, Angliss and Peel, had been recalled from Russia to organise British intelligence operations in the South Dublin area. Angliss had survived a previous assassination attempt when he had been shot at in a billiard hall. He was targeted for killing Sinn Féin fundraiser John Lynch, mistaken for General Liam Lynch, Divisional Commandant of the 1st Southern Division, IRA. McMahon was shot as he reached for his gun.

Peel, hearing the shots, managed to block his bedroom door and survived even though more than a dozen bullets were fired into his room. When members of Fianna Éireann on lookout reported that the Auxiliary Division were approaching the house, the unit of eleven men split up into two groups, the first leaving by the front door, the second through the laneway at the back of the house.

119 Baggot Street
At 119 Baggot Street, a three-man unit killed Captain Geoffrey Thomas Baggallay, a barrister who had been employed as a prosecutor under the Restoration of Order in Ireland Act 1920 regulations, and who had been a member of military courts that sentenced IRA volunteers to death.

Gresham Hotel
Captain Patrick McCormack and Lieutenant Leonard Wilde were in the classy Gresham Hotel in O'Connell Street. The IRA unit gained access to their rooms by pretending to be British soldiers with important dispatches. When the men opened their doors they were shot and killed. A Times listing for McCormack and Wilde does not list any rank for the latter. McCormack's killing was a mistake. He was a member of the Royal Army Veterinary Corps and was in Ireland to buy horses for the British Army. He was shot in bed and Collins himself later acknowledged the error. Unlike the other British officers, McCormack, a Catholic from Castlebar, was buried in Ireland, at Glasnevin Cemetery, Dublin.

Fitzwilliam Square
Captain John Scott Crawford, in charge of motor repair of the British Army Service Corps, narrowly escaped death after the IRA entered a guesthouse in Fitzwilliam Square where he was staying, looking for a Major Callaghan. On not finding their target, they debated whether or not to shoot Crawford. They decided not to shoot him as he was not on their list; instead they gave him 24 hours to leave Ireland, which he promptly did.

Eastwood Hotel
In the Eastwood Hotel at 91 Lower Leeson Street the IRA failed to find their target, Captain Thomas Jennings. Other targets who escaped were Captain Jocelyn Hardy and Major William Lorraine King, a colleague of Hardy who was missing when Joe Dolan burst into King's room. According to the prim Todd Andrews, Dolan took revenge by giving King's half-naked mistress "a right scourging with a sword scabbard", and setting fire to the room afterwards.

Captain Jocelyn Hardy (1894-1958)
"A ruthless killer"


Major Frank Murray Maxwell Hallowell Carew, an intelligence officer who with Captain Price had almost cornered 3rd Tipperary Brigade commander Seán Treacy a month before, was on the list. (Treacy had been killed by G men as he tried to shoot his way out of a trap on 14 October, a week before the day of the Cairo Gang assassinations.)

When the IRA came calling for Murray, he had moved to an apartment across the street. He heard the gunfire at his former lodging and fired his revolver at an IRA sentry outside. The sentry was hit and took cover inside the house. The Volunteers moved on.

Several IRA men carried sledgehammers with them the morning of 21 November, as they expected to encounter bolted doors. They did not find any, but T Ryle Dwyer claims that they used them to smash the skulls and faces of some of the officers they had shot.

Two members of the Auxiliary Cadet Division, Temporary Cadets Frank Garniss, aged 34, and Cecil Augustus Morris, aged 24, were among a patrol of Auxiliaries who responded to the scene of one of the attacks, armed with .45 caliber Webley revolvers and a carbine. Garniss and Morris were shot and killed as they sought to cordon off the rear of one of the scenes of assassination.

A Times listing of killed and wounded reports that in addition to Caldow, Captain Brian Keenlyside, Colonel Hugh Montgomery, Major (Wilfrid) Woodcock, and Lieutenant Randolph Murray were wounded, but not killed. Montgomery died 10 December 1920 of the wounds he received on Bloody Sunday.

Fatalities
Nineteen men were shot. Fourteen were killed on 21 November; Montgomery died later, making fifteen in all. Four were wounded. Ames, Angliss, Baggallay, Bennet, Dowling, Fitzgerald, McCormack, MacLean, Montgomery, Newberry, Price, Wilde, Smith, Morris, Garniss were killed. Keenlyside, Woodcock, Murray and Caldow were wounded. Peel and others escaped. The dead included members of the "Cairo Gang", British Army Courts-Martial officers, the two Auxiliaries and a civilian informant.

Aftermath
Of the IRA men involved, only Frank Teeling was captured during the operation. He was court-martialled and sentenced to hang, but escaped from Kilmainham Gaol before the sentence could be carried out. Patrick Moran and Thomas Whelan were arrested later and, despite their protestations of innocence and witnesses attesting to alibis, were hanged for murder in connection with the killings on 14 March 1921

The remaining Cairo Gang members, along with many other spies, fled to either Dublin Castle or England, fearing they were next on the IRA's hit list. Another member committed suicide in Dublin Castle. The deaths and flights dealt a severe blow to British intelligence-gathering in Ireland.

Collins justified the killings in this way:
My one intention was the destruction of the undesirables who continued to make miserable the lives of ordinary decent citizens. I have proof enough to assure myself of the atrocities which this gang of spies and informers have committed. If I had a second motive it was no more than a feeling such as I would have for a dangerous reptile. By their destruction the very air is made sweeter. For myself, my conscience is clear. There is no crime in detecting in wartime the spy and the informer. They have destroyed without trial. I have paid them back in their own coin.

The Victims


Captain Patrick J. McCormack  (1877-1920)

Captain P. McCormack

Captain William Frederick Newberry (1875-1920)

Captain W.F. Newberry

Captain Leonard Price M.C. (1885-1920)

Captain Leonard Price M.C.

Captain Geoffrey Thomas Baggallay (1891-1920)

Captain G.T. Baggallay

Lieutenant Donald Lewis MacLean (1889-1920)

Lieutenant D.L. MacLean

Lieutenant Peter Ashmun Ames (1888-1920)

Lieutenant A. Ames

Major Charles Milne Cholmeley Dowling (1891-1920)

Major C.M.G. Dowling

Lieutenant Henry James Angliss, D.C.M. (1891-1920)
(AKA Patrick Mahon)

Lieutenant H. Angliss, D.C.M.

Lieutenant George Bennett (1892-1920)

Lieutenant G. Bennett

Cadet (2nd Lieut.) Frank Garniss (1886-1920)

Cadet Frank Garniss

Cadet (2nd Lieut.) Cecil Augustus Morris (1896-1920)

Cadet C.A. Morris


Sgt. John J Fitzgerald, R.I.C. (1898-1920)

Brevet Lieut-Colonel Hugh Ferguson Montgomery (1880-1920)

Mr Thomas Herbert Smith (1873-1920) Civilian

Lieutenant Leonard Wilde (1891-1920)



The Croke Park Massacre

Deaths; 14 civilians
Non-fatal injuries; 60–70 civilians
Perpetrators; Royal Irish Constabulary & Auxiliary Division



The Dublin Gaelic football team was scheduled to play the Tipperary team later the same day in Croke Park, the Gaelic Athletic Association's major football ground. Despite the general unease in Dublin as news broke of the killings, a war-weary populace continued with life. About 5,000 spectators went to Croke Park for the Tipperary match, which began thirty minutes late, at 3:15 p.m.

Meanwhile, outside the Park, unseen by the crowd, British security forces were approaching and preparing to raid the match. A convoy of troops drove in from the northwest, along Clonliffe Road, while a convoy of police and Auxiliaries approached the Park from the south or Canal end. Their orders were to surround the ground, guard the exits, and search every man in the Park. The authorities later stated that their intention was to announce by megaphone that all males leaving the stadium would be searched and that anyone leaving by other means would be shot. However, for some reason, shots were fired as soon as the police convoy reached the stadium, at 3:25 p.m.

Some of the police later claimed that they were fired on first by IRA sentries, but this has never been proved. Correspondents for the Manchester Guardian and Britain's Daily News interviewed eyewitnesses, and concluded that the "IRA sentries" were actually ticket-sellers:

It is the custom at this football ground for tickets to be sold outside the gates by recognised ticket-sellers, who would probably present the appearance of pickets, and would naturally run inside at the approach of a dozen military lorries. No man exposes himself needlessly in Ireland when a military lorry passes by.

The police in the convoy's leading cars appear to have jumped out, chased these men down the passage to the Canal End gate, forced their way through the turnstiles, and started firing rapidly with rifles and revolvers. Ireland's Freeman's Journal reported that,

The spectators were startled by a volley of shots fired from inside the turnstile entrances. Armed and uniformed men were seen entering the field, and immediately after the firing broke out scenes of the wildest confusion took place. The spectators made a rush for the far side of Croke Park and shots were fired over their heads and into the crowd.

The police kept shooting for about ninety seconds: their commander, Major Mills, later admitted that his men were "excited and out of hand". Some police fired into the fleeing crowd from the pitch, while others, outside the Park, opened fire from the Canal Bridge at spectators who climbed over the Canal End Wall trying to escape. At the other end of the Park, the soldiers on Clonliffe Road were startled first by the sound of the fusillade, then by the sight of panicked people fleeing the grounds. As the spectators streamed out, an armoured car on St James Avenue fired its machine guns over the heads of the crowd, trying to halt them.

By the time Major Mills got his men back under control, the police had fired 114 rounds of rifle ammunition, and an unknown amount of revolver ammunition as well, not counting 50 rounds fired from the machine guns in the armoured car outside the Park. Seven people had been shot to death, and five more had been fatally wounded; another two people had been trampled to death in the stampede. The dead included Jeannie Boyle, who had gone to the match with her fiancé and was due to be married five days later, and two boys aged 10 and 11. Two football players, Michael Hogan and Jim Egan, had been shot; Hogan was killed, but Egan survived, along with dozens of other wounded and injured. The police raiding party suffered no casualties.

Once the firing had been stopped, the security forces searched the remaining men in the crowd before letting them go. The military raiding party recovered one revolver: a local householder testified that a fleeing spectator had thrown it away in his garden. Once the grounds were cleared, the Park was searched for arms, but, according to Major Mills, none were found.

The actions of the police were officially unauthorised and were greeted with public horror by the Dublin Castle-based British authorities. In an effort to cover up the nature of the behaviour by British forces, a press release was issued which claimed:

A number of men came to Dublin on Saturday under the guise of asking to attend a football match between Tipperary and Dublin. But their real intention was to take part in the series of murderous outrages which took place in Dublin that morning. Learning on Saturday that a number of these gunmen were present in Croke Park, the Crown forces went to raid the field. It was the original intention that an officer would go to the centre of the field and speaking from a megaphone, invite the assassins to come forward. But on their approach, armed pickets gave warning. Shots were fired to warn the wanted men, who caused a stampede and escaped in the confusion.

The Times, which during the war was a pro-Unionist publication, ridiculed Dublin Castle's version of events, as did a British Labour Party delegation visiting Ireland at the time. The British Brigadier Frank Percy Crozier, technically in command that day, later resigned over what he believed was the official condoning of the unjustified actions of the Auxiliaries in Croke Park. One of his officers told him that, "Black and Tans fired into the crowd without any provocation whatsoever".

Two military courts of inquiry into the massacre were held, and one found that "the fire of the RIC was carried out without orders and exceeded the demands of the situation". Major-General Boyd, the officer commanding Dublin District, added that in his opinion, "the firing on the crowd was carried out without orders, was indiscriminate, and unjustifiable, with the exception of any shooting which took place inside the enclosure." The findings of these courts of inquiry were suppressed by the British Government, and only came to light in 2000.

Evening

Later that day, two high-ranking IRA officers, Dick McKee and Peadar Clancy, who had helped plan the killings of the British agents, together with another man, Conor Clune (a nephew of Patrick Clune, Archbishop of Perth, Australia), who were being held in Dublin Castle, were tortured then shot. Their captors said that, because there was no room in the cells, they were placed in a guardroom containing arms, and were killed while making a getaway.

Aftermath

The behaviour of the Auxiliaries and the Black and Tans during the Irish War of Independence helped turn the Irish public against the Crown. Some British politicians[who?] and the King made no secret of their horror at the behaviour of Crown forces. The killings of men, women and children, both spectators and football players, made international headlines, damaging British credibility. However, in the short term, the IRA killings of British officers on the morning of the 21st received more attention in Britain. The bodies of nine of the British officers assassinated in Dublin were brought in procession through the streets of London for funerals at Westminster Abbey and Westminster Cathedral. When Joseph Devlin, an Irish Parliamentary Party MP, tried to bring up the Croke Park killings at Westminster, he was shouted down and physically assaulted by his fellow MPs; the sitting had to be suspended.

A combination of the loss of the Cairo Gang, which devastated British Intelligence in Ireland, and the public relations disaster that was Bloody Sunday severely damaged the cause of British rule in Ireland and increased support for the republican government under Éamon de Valera. The events of Bloody Sunday have survived in public memory. The Gaelic Athletic Association named one of the stands in Croke Park the 'Hogan Stand' in memory of Michael Hogan, the football player killed in the incident.

James "Skankers" Ryan, who had informed on Clancy and McKee, was shot and killed by the IRA in February 1921.

IRA assassinations continued in Dublin for the remainder of the war, in addition to more large scale urban guerrilla actions by the Dublin Brigade. By the spring of 1921, the British had rebuilt their Intelligence organisation in Dublin, and the IRA were planning another assassination attempt on British agents in the summer of that year. However, these plans were called off because of the Truce that ended the war on 11 July 1921.

Misconceptions


  • The Croke Park Massacre on the afternoon of Bloody Sunday is usually blamed on the Auxiliaries. While the police raiding party was composed in part of Temporary Cadets from Depot Company and commanded by an Auxiliary officer, Major Mills, eyewitness reports make it clear that the RIC did most of the shooting at Croke Park.
  • The film Michael Collins shows an armoured car driving onto the pitch. This did not happen: the armoured car in question was outside the ground and seems to have fired into the air, rather than at the crowd. The director, Neil Jordan, later stated that he changed the scene because showing policemen do the shooting would have made it "too terrifying" for the film's tone.
  • It is often thought that two players were killed when accounts say two were shot at. Hogan and Egan were both fired on, but Egan was uninjured. He was subsequently killed during the Civil War.
  • It is sometimes claimed that British officers tossed a coin over whether they would go on a killing spree in Croke Park or loot Sackville Street (Dublin's main street, now called O'Connell Street) instead: see, for example, Ernie O'Malley, "Bloody Sunday", Dublin's Fighting Story 1916–1921 (Tralee: The Kerryman, 1949); but there is no evidence to support this claim.


Sir Arthur Vicars (1862-1921) Ulster King of Arms

Sir Arthur Vicars


Sir Arthur Vicars, KCVO was an English-born genealogist and heraldic expert who spent his adult life in Ireland. He was appointed Ulster King of Arms in 1893, but was removed from the post in 1908 following the theft of the Irish Crown Jewels in the previous year. He was killed by the IRA in 1921 during the Irish War of Independence.

Antiquarian and Expert in Heraldry

Arthur Edward Vicars was born on 27 July 1862 in Leamington Spa, Warwickshire, and was the youngest child of Colonel William Henry Vicars of the 61st Regiment of Foot and his wife Jane (originally Gun-Cunninghame). This was his mother's second marriage, the first being to Pierce O'Mahony by whom she had two sons. Arthur was very attached to his Irish half-brothers and spent much time at their residences. On completing his education at Magdalen College School, Oxford and Bromsgrove School he moved permanently to Ireland.
He quickly developed an expertise in genealogical and heraldic matters and made several attempts to be employed by the Irish heraldic administration of Ulster King of Arms, even offering to work for no pay.
In 1891 he was one of the founder members of the County Kildare Archaeological Society, and remained its honorary secretary until his death.
He first attempted to find a post in the Office of Arms when in 1892 he applied unsuccessfully for the post of Athlone Pursuivant on the death of the incumbent, Bernard Louis Burke. In a letter dated 2 October 1892 Vicars's half-brother Peirce Mahony wrote that Sir Bernard Burke, Ulster King of Arms, was dying and urged him: "You should move at once."  Burke died in December 1892, and Vicars was appointed to the office by Letters Patent dated 2 February 1893. In 1896 Arthur Vicars was knighted, in 1900 he was appointed Commander of the Royal Victorian Order (CVO) and in 1903 he was elevated to Knight Commander of the order (KCVO). He was also a fellow of the Society of Antiquaries and a trustee of the National Library of Ireland.
In 1897 Vicars published An Index to the Prerogative Wills of Ireland 1536 -1810, a listing of all persons in wills proved in that period. This work became very valuable to genealogists after the destruction of the source material for the book in 1922 when the Public Record Office at the Four Courts was destroyed at the start of the Irish Civil War.

Theft of the Irish Crown Jewels


The Irish Crown Jewels. This image was published by the Royal Irish Constabulary and the Dublin Metropolitan Police twice a week after the theft of the jewels was discovered.
Vicars' career was very distinguished until 1907 when it was hit by the scandal of the theft of the Irish Crown Jewels. As Registrar of the Order of St Patrick, Vicars had custody of the insignia of the order, also known as the "crown jewels". They were found to be missing on 6 July, and a Crown Jewel Commission was established in January 1908 to investigate the disappearance. Vicars, and his barrister Tim Healy, refused to attend the commission's hearings. The commission's findings were published on 25 January 1908, and Vicars was dismissed as Ulster five days later.
On 23 November 1912, the Daily Mail published serious false allegations against Vicars. The substance of the article was that Vicars had allowed a woman reported to be his mistress to obtain a copy to the key to the safe and that she had fled to Paris with the jewels. In July 1913 Vicars successfully sued the paper for libel, who admitted that the story was completely baseless and that the woman in question did not exist. Vicars was awarded damages of £5,000.
Vicars left Dublin and moved to Kilmorna, near Listowel, County Kerry, the former seat of one of his half-brothers. He married Gertrude Wright in Ballymore, County Wicklow on 4 July 1917. He continued to protest his innocence until his death, even including bitter references to the affair in his will. It is a widely held belief that one of Vicars assistants at the Castle, Francis Shackleton (brother of explorer Sir Ernest Shackleton) was responsible for the theft, and that Vicars was set up to take the blame after Shackleton threatened to expose a high ranking homosexual ring within the Castle.

Murder

In May 1920 up to a hundred armed men broke into Kilmorna House and held Vicars at gunpoint while they attempted to break into the house's strongroom. On 14 April 1921, he was taken from Kilmorna House, which was set alight, and shot dead in front of his wife. According to the communique issued from Dublin Castle, thirty armed men took him from his bed and shot him, leaving a placard around his neck denouncing him as an informer. On 27 April, as an official reprisal, four shops were destroyed by Crown Forces in the town of Listowel. The proclamation given under Martial law and ordering their demolition also stated:
For any outrage carried out in future against the lives or property of loyalist officials, reprisals will be taken against selected persons known to have rebel sympathies, although their implication has not been proved.
Vicars was buried in Leckhampton, Gloucestershire on 20 April. His wife died in Somerset in 1946.

Kilmorna House 

About 5 miles east of Listowel there once stood the great Kilmorna House. It was owned by the O’Mahoneys Kerry. George O’Mahoney was step brother to Arthur Vicars. Sir Arthur Vicars was in charge of the crown jewels when they were stolen. In 1912 when George O'Mahoney died. Kilmorna House and grounds passed on to Vicars’ sister. At once she offered Vicars the place, free of charge, for as long as he wished. Little did he know  the tragedy which would follow his stay at Kilmorna  House. Sir Arthur Vicars loved the house. It was everything that could be wanted by a man who adored high society.

Kilmorna House, Listowel, Kerry


It stood on 600 acres of the beautiful countryside in the deep west of Ireland.  Three lodge houses with painted roofs stood by stonewall entrances. These lodges are still standing and are occupied by local people today. Kilmorna House was built of brick, surfaced  with smooth Kerry Stone and, for most of the year, ivy climbed up its high walls. On the west side of the house a walk of  lime trees paraded down to the bank of the river Feale, rich in salmon and trout meandering and flowing through the estate. From the granite terraces to the house, the smooth lawns sloped gently down  through shrubberies and flower beds. The estate stretched from Shanacool Cross to Gortaglanna Cross, to the bridge which divides Duagh parish from Knockanure. From Shanacool to Kilmorna Station there were plantations of beech, oak and yew trees.
At the age of 53, Sir Arthur, to the surprise of many, married Miss Gertrude Wright of Kilurry house near Castleisland.
 There were over 100 local people employed directly or indirectly by Sir Arthur, who paid them wages above the average for this backward area of Ireland. The old people of Kilmorna today still remember the huge party that was organised for the local children by Sir Arthur at Christmas. He loved to ride about the neighbouring farms on horseback. He owned the only car in the district and, once or twice a week, he would drive to Listowel, handing out produce from the Kilmorna gardens and orchards to needy families, Protestant and Catholic alike. His wife  kept tiny Yorkshire terriers and in the event of the death of one of these creatures, a funeral was arranged and the workmen were expected to dress in black and look solemn.
After the theft of the crown jewels, Sir Arthur, with bitter experience of the unreliability of safes, had built a strong room to house his wife's jewels, Kilmorna’s silver ornaments, valuable books and family paintings when he was away from the house. It was natural that wild stories spread through  the countryside amongst uneducated peasant farmers. Could it be, asked some, that Sir Arthur really stole the crown jewels and had hidden them in Kilmorna’s strong room? It was thought that there may have been guns stored there also. The IRA considered him to be a spy and informer. Despite many warnings he refused to leave his beloved Kilmorna.
On Monday, 14 April 1921, Sir Arthur was still in bed at 10 o'clock when his wife rushed into the room to tell him that there were men with pistols in the house. He ordered  the servants to save as many valuable things as possible. His manager, Michael Murphy, told him the men said that they had only come to burn the house and that no one would be harmed.
By this time the army was on its way from Listowel, alerted by a message from Kilmorna Railway Station. The soldiers wasted precious minutes in a chase that was fruitless. In those minutes, Sir Arthur stood under the guns of the three men from the North Kerry Flying Column, his back pressed against a beech tree. It was there at 10.30 that he was shot three times in the chest and neck and twice in the head. The house had been burnt down as the men had run through it with blankets soaked in petrol.
The army wondered what might remain in the smoking ruins of Kilmorna so they blew open the strong room to find nothing.  It had been empty all the time..
The O’Mahoney’s of  Kerry called in lawyers to formulate a claim for compensation against the British government, valuing Kilmorna House at around £15,000.  From Listowel, people came to gaze at the great black ruin. Their children played with the dismembered pieces of suits of armour they found lying on the terrace. Some wandered amongst the tiny headstones of Lady Vicars’ canine cemetery but mostly they stood looking silently at the devastation before them.
All that remains today in Kilmorna is Parnell’s tree – an oak tree planted by Parnell in the 1880's. He said that he hoped that we would have Home Rule in Ireland before the magpies built their nests in the tree.

BUREAU OF MILITARY HISTORY (Ireland)

STATEMENT BY WITNESS - MICHAEL MURPHY


Valet to Sir Arthur Vicars, Kilmorna House, 1918-1921.
Subject
Shooting of Sir Arthur Vicars by I.R.A. and burning of Kilmorna House, 14th April 1921.

I was born at Kilmorna in the year 1888, and was sent to the local National School until I was 14 years of age. When I left school I got employment in the Post Office at Kilmorna until I was
15 years of age. I joined the R.I.C. in July l908 and left in November, 1914, when I joined the Irish Guards and served in France for four years part of which was under Lord Kerry, Colonel of the Regiment. One of
my Company officers then was Captain Alexander who is flow Field Marshal Alexander. I was discharged in December 1918, and returned to Kilmorna. After returning to Kilmorna I was employed as companion and valet to Sir Arthur Vicars at Kilmorna House.
Sir Arthur Vicars, Knight Commander Victorian Order, was a step-brother of Pierce Mahony, Grangecon, County Wicklow, who was M.P. at one time and sat in the House of Commons. Vicars had been in charge of the Crown Jewels at Dublin Castle and at the same time was Ulster King-At-Arms. His home address at the time was 44, Wellington Road, Dublin. The Crown Jewels were stolen from Dublin Castle in the year 1910 and were never recovered with the result that Vicars was dismissed.
He and his wife, Lady Vicars, subsequently came to live as guests of his sister, Madam Jansz, who owned Kilmorna House. His sister had married a Pole.
After the death of his sister and of her husband in England some years later, Vicars and his wife continued to live at Kilmorna House right up to 1921 when he was shot dead by the I.R.A. outside the door one morning.
On the 14th April, 1921, a party of military from Listowel, under a Captain Watson, came on a fishing trip to Kilmorna. They fished in the River Feale which runs through the area. They did not visit the 'great house' as it was called, nor did they meet Vicars.
As they were returning to Listowel they were ambushed by a party of I.R.A. One soldier was killed, two were wounded. The I.R.A. had one man named Calvin killed. It would appear that the I.R.A. were of opinion that Vicars had entertained the military and had also warned them of the impending ambush. This, in my opinion, could not be correct, otherwise the Military would not have cycled into the ambush position.
I could not understand why Vicars was shot. He was a thorough gentleman who mixed freely with the tenants on the estate which comprised 650 acres.
On the morning of the shooting the I.R.A. visited the house, broke open the windows on the ground floor through which they entered the house. They took in with them cans of paraffin and petrol which they sprinkled all over the ground floor. Vicars and his wife were in bed, in separate rooms at the time at the top of the building. I had discovered that the house was on fire. I went into him and told him the house was on fire and was surrounded by armed men. I warned him to get up. He got up and dressed at once. In the meantime I went into Lady Vicars and warned her. She also go up and dressed.
Vicars went down stairs and left the house by the main entrance. He had gone about 150 yards from the door when he ran into a second party of I.R.A. who held him up and shot him dead on the spot. I had followed him close on his heels. He was not questioned in any way. While this was happening Lady Vicars and the household staff escaped through the back doors. That morning my life's savings and personal belongings, including medals and discharge papers, were destroyedin the blaze which enveloped the house so quickly that everything within was burned to ashes. If the attached photo of Kilmorna House is of any value for historical reasons I willingly present it to the Bureau.  The news of the burning of the 'great house' and the shooting of Vicars was received with dismay throughout North Kerry. I do not believe he was a spy or got the benefit of a fair trial. That night I was arrested by the Tans. They held me while the subsequent inquiry lasted which was for a period of three weeks. At the inquiry I failed to identify anyone, saying I knew nothing of the men who had taken part in the shooting. I was then released.
From the time of my discharge from the Irish Guards I was associated with the I.R.A. and had a brother who was an active member of that body. After the Truce I joined the National Army with the rank of Captain. I was discharged in September, 1924.
Signed: Michael Murphy
(Michael Murphy 8th February 1955)

BUREAU OF MILITARY HISTORY (Ireland)

STATEMENT BY WITNESS - JAMES COSTELLO


Captain Duagh Company IRA
Subject
Execution of Sir Arthur Vicars by I.R.A. and burning of Kilmorna House, 14th April 1921.

Some hours after the formation of the column, as the men were about to be billeted for the night, I received information from a member of the Listowel I.R.A. that the Tans and military there were about to make a large scale round-up of the Duagh area. I immediately passed the news to the column, who left immediately for Stack's mountain. Early the following morning before most of the residents in the neighbourhood were out of bed, the Tans and military had arrived. A soldier or Tan was posted outside every house in the village.
After several raids during the day the enemy withdrew.
It is obvious that their information was first class, as they were certainly aware of the presence of the large number of I.R.A. in the area on the previous night. The column managed to escape the round-up, and a night or two after were located in the vicinity of Stack's mountain when they were surrounded by military and Tans from Tralee, Listowel and other areas. The column, however, once again managed to elude their pursuers. This round-up occupied a day and a half. In the meantime I, as Company Captain in Duagh, with the help of members of Duagh Company succeeded in sending supplies to the column while they were located on the mountainside. For some time before the formation of the column the Company Quartermaster, Matt Finucane, had placed his house here in Duagh at the disposal of the I.R.A. It was from this house, which was a farmhouse, that the column were supplied on Stack's mountain. Later the column used the house as their headquarters, and right up to the Truce it was used to billet members for several days at a time. Shotguns, rifles and revolvers were supplied to the column from the house as required. It was also used for the receipt of dispatches from the Brigade 0/C, Paddy Cahill and others. I had sentries posted there for the twenty-four hours of the day right up to the Truce. Some time after its formation the column, while on its way from Newtownsandes via Kilmorna to Duagh, received word that a party of military who had been entertained that day by Sir Arthur Vicars were about to return to their barracks in Listowel. The column took up positions on the side of the road which the military would have to travel and waited. As they approached on bicycles, the column opened fire. The military were in extended formation and replied at once to the fire of the column. One man attached to the column whose name was Galvin was shot dead instantly.
The military fire was so intense that the column had to withdraw, leaving Galvin behind.
On several occasions before and after the formation of the column I took charge of raids on the mails carried on the Limerick to Tralee trains. These raids were carried out at Kilmorna railway station where the station-master, whose name was Colbert, was very friendly and always assisted the I.R.A. on these occasions. He had it arranged with the fireman of the train that the fireman would always wave a red flag as the train came into the station if there were military or Tans aboard. After seizing the mails they were censored and then placed in an empty house at Foildarrig, from where they were later collected by the local Post Office staff. On one occasion, through some misunderstanding, we were not warned that military were on the train. When the train on this occasion had come to a standstill at the station we spotted the military and rushed off the platform. They, however, had seen us. They rushed out of the train and opened fire all round as we retreated for cover and back to Duagh. A day or two after the attack on the military returning from Kilmorna House, which took place on the 7th April, 192l, I received an order from the Battalion 0/C, Paddy Joe McElligott, to burn down Kilmorna House and to arrest Sir Arthur Vicars and have him shot as he had been sentenced to death for being a spy and for assisting the enemy generally. I ordered certain members of the Duagh Company to procure paraffin oil and petrol for the purpose of burning down the house. I instructed them to leave the paraffin and petrol at a point near the house. When this was accomplished I ordered about 12 men of the company to report near the spot at 9 a.m. on the following morning.
At about 9.30 or 10 a.m. on the following morning I, with most of the men selected for the job, approached the "Great House" as it was called locally, and knocked on the door, which was opened by one of the servants - a man named Murphy - who informed us that Vicars was not at home. I said to Murphy "We have a job to do and we are going to do it". Murphy repeated that Vicars was not at home. We took his word for it and decided to put off the job until the following morning. On the following morning, 11th April, 1921, we again approached the "Great House" as before and knocked on the door. There was no answer. I then went over to a window to the right of the door, which I broke open. Having broken the window I called on James McDonagh, a member of the company, to get through the window and open the main door. McDonagh went through the window and opened the door, which was heavily barred by three strong iron stretchers across the door. When the door was opened our men entered in a body, most of them making for the strong room which was securely locked. They, however, blew open the door with a shot or two and, to their surprise, found only a few dumbells and a couple of dummy guns instead of revolvers, rifles or shotguns which they anticipated. While these men were examining the strong room others went on the hunt for Vicars, whom they found in an underground passage which led from the basement of the house for half a mile outside it. He was taken out to the lawn and questioned about various items of information which he had passed to the information. Eventually two of our men shot him dead on the lawn where he stood.
In the meantime other men in the company collected the household staff, which numbered about twelve, and took them out on the lawn. The paraffin and petrol were then sprinkled over the house and it was set alight. The house went up in a blaze at once, after which we withdrew. Most of the men were armed with revolvers, rifles or shotguns on the occasion, some of them being on guard duty around the house itself.
From then to the Truce things were Quiet except for the trenching and blocking of roads and the demolishing of bridges. One of the bridges demolished around this time was Smerla Bridge over the river Feale between Duagh and Listowel, which had to be demolished by pick and shovel.
After the Truce I joined a training camp near Duagh.
Signed James Costello (14th Feb 1955)